The parliamentary elections in October were framed as a referendum of Russia versus Europe by the opposition, and war versus peace by the Georgian Dream ruling party—a dichotomy highlighting the high level of political polarisation in the country, which poses a significant challenge for democratically minded civil society.
The election results, which saw Georgian Dream claim a win with 54 percent of the vote, have been contested by civil society, which filed lawsuits to dismiss them, citing widespread vote fraud and intimidation by ruling party officials at the polling stations. Thousands of people took to the streets in Tbilisi to protest the results.
As protests continued, a presidential election was held; the first under the new electoral system mandated by the constitutional amendments of 2017. A Georgian Dream dominated electoral college chose former footballer, Mikheil Kavelashvili, who stood unopposed. His inauguration on 29 December 2024 was denounced as illegitimate by the opposition.
For Natia Gvritishvili of EED’s partner, Daqali, a feminist group, the widespread perception of fraud during these elctions has disillusioned many voters. “Even voters who previously supported the ruling party feel betrayed. The election was framed as a referendum on Georgia’s orientation—towards Russia or towards Europe. Many, regardless of political affiliation, chose Europe, and are now resolved to protect their choice,” she says.
Intimidation was experienced first-hand by many of EED’s partners, with a member of Daqali in the majority Armenian town of Ninotsminda explicitly warned by local government officials to avoid election-related activism. Gela Mtivlishvili of the media platform Information Centers Network and his fellow observers in the Kakheti region were verbally and physically intimidated by Georgian Dream party members at polling stations.
In the run-up to the elections, EED’s partners were at the forefront of a societal engagement campaign. A coalition of 30 CSOs—including five of EED’s partners, with two playing a lead role—brought together 2,000 citizen observers in one of Georgia’s largest citizen observation movements in years to observe one third of Georgia’s polling stations. The group has demanded the annulment of votes in 246 precincts where they observed violations that affected over 10,000 Georgian voters in total.
In an important effort to join resources, several independent media outlets, led by EED’s partner Project 64, broadcast live for 13 hours on election day, marking the start of an ambitious “anti-TV” project that is planned for online and potentially satellite broadcast. “We want to use a more creative approach to reach audiences in the regions that are not consuming independent media right now,” says Project 64’s George Gogua. EED has ensured consistent support to numerous media in recent years as Georgia’s media space has continued to narrow.
Following the election, partners report that the paths of civil society and independent media have naturally diverged from that of the political opposition as they take stock. Today, civil society faces existential questions as to how they may continue to operate and keep open the civic space, with lots of uncertainty about what is going to happen in the future for Georgian democracy, civil society, and the European path.
These questions became ever more pertinent when on 28 November, the Georgian Prime Minister announced a decision to freeze EU accession negotiations for the next four years, despite over 80 percent of the population supporting EU membership. This decision ignited widespread protests across the country, reflecting broader frustrations over electoral irregularities, the controversial “foreign agents” law, democratic backsliding, and human rights abuses.
Protests took place in over 30 cities, emerging as a grassroots movement without clear leadership. Protestors come from all layers of society, including university students and academia, and from arts and cultural spheres. There is a sense of the rebirth of civil society. Media have played an important role throughout.
The authorities responded to the protests with harsh crackdowns. Within the first 12 days, around 500 individuals had been arrested on administrative charges and another 30 on criminal charges, with hundreds more under investigation. Most detainees reported ill-treatment, including beatings, torture, and degrading treatment.
Eduard Marikashvili of EED’s partner, Georgian Democratic Initiative, says it is time to ring the alarm bells. “Now we’re witnessing consolidated authoritarianism in Georgia, I don’t expect there will be free or fair elections here anymore. We need to prepare for the worst-case scenario,” he says. Like many other members of Georgian civil society, he called for dialogue and support from the international community to evaluate what can be done to preserve Georgia’s democracy.
At a closed-door event in EED’s offices in December, civil activists provided five messages to the international community that they believe are vital for Georgia’s long-term democratic survival:
